Hugo and the Sunrise. |
In 1919, this sidelining got a little worse for Alcock, as the US Navy let it be known they were preparing for a transatlantic flight. Close reading would have shown this effort to be more paper tiger than bald eagle, as far as the race was concerned. Undersecretary of the Navy Franklin Roosevelt made it clear that the US Navy was legally restrained from competing in contests involving cash prizes. What's more, aside from aircraft engines, America aeronautics was less advanced than aeronautical industry in Europe in 1919; America lacked an indigenous aircraft that could complete flight directly. The plan was instead to make a multiple stop flight via the Azores and Portugal to England. Still, even paper tigers worked up the British Lion, who began bellowing about GREATNESS and BRITAIN and OUR OCEAN and the like. This certainly fired public interest in the race, as well as sold a shit-ton of newspapers.
By March 1919, a otherwise unoccupied Alcock could have made a close study of possible rivals in the trans-Atlantic race. By March 1st 1919, these were known to be Sopwith, Handley-Page, Martinsyde, Short, Boulton-Paul, Felixstowe and Fairey, (British) Sundstedt, (a man, Swedish) and America with its Curtiss flying boats. The RAF also possessed two airships, the R33 and R34, that could make the flight anytime, and America also had, in secret, a backup blimp.
Three of the British contenders would make it to Newfoundland.
Sopwith with the Sopwith Atlantic. Sopwith, still based out of Alcock's old aerodrome of Brooklands , had modified a single engine bomber of theirs, the B.1. The B.1 had been a single seat bomber built as a private venture in 1917, a bomber version of Sopwith's Cuckoo torpedo bomber. The B.1 failed to find a customer, with the RNAS buying a single aircraft. The B.1 GT Atlantic {guys, can you maybe try a little harder on the name} had a widened fuselage to fit a tandem cockpit, and fuel tanks instead of bombs, which was an especially easy mod as the B.1 had an internal bomb bay. Sopwith engineers also gave the Atlantic some additional nifty features: the landing gear could be jettisoned after takeoff, reducing drag, and the cockpit around the pilot and navigator was detachable and water-tight, making a lifeboat if the aircraft had to ditch. It used one Rolls-Royce Eagle V12 engine, making 360 horsepower. The Atlantic's flight crew was Australian-born Harry Hawker, Sopwith's chief test pilot and Alcock's friend from the old days, plus Lt. Cmdr. Kenneth Mackenzie Grieve, a Royal Navy navigator.
It also sort of looked like a toaster with wings. |
The Buzzard was a biplane scout (what we'd call a fighter today) that managed to be easy to fly, maneuverable, and yet very fast. Its engine was a Rolls-Royce Falcon V12, a downsized version of the Eagle V12 used by other competitors, displacing only 14.2 L but still making 285 hp. The Raymor was modified for two, and given an extended fuel capacity.The name came from a portmanteau of its Pilot/Navigator team, Rayham and Morgan. Freddie Rayham was another old compatriot of Alcock's from the prewar days, and Captain C.W. Fairfax Morgan, AKA Fax Morgan, (not joking), who was a RNAS flyer and navigator.
Martinsyde Raymor. It had a tandem open cockpit. |
Oh, and you should know the HP V/1500 was very large. |
Like really large (Sopwith Camel in foreground.) |
Big. |
The airplane was a Vickers Vimy, a biplane bomber that like its rivals that was just a smidge too late for the Great War. The Vimy design was commissioned in 1917, and can be thought of as a smaller, neater HP O/400, being about 2/3rds the size but having slightly greater attack range and bomb payload. Developed with help from the first commercially available wind tunnel, the Vimy would have been a significant combat aircraft had the war continued: it was planned that the Vimy would be a heavy bomber, and assume an anti-ship torpedo bomber role. 1000 had been ordered, but only about 112 would be completed under wartime contracts, and only 12 had been finished thus far. The bomber would have a successful post war career: the RAF selected the Vimy as their standard heavy bomber over the O/400 [mainly due to cheaper maintenance costs], and RAF Vimys flew in the third Afghan war, and also established a perilous airmail route between Cairo and Baghdad.
A standard Vickers Vimy. As target tugs the Vimy would stay in RAF service until the 1930s. |
The Vimy in flight. |
With the aircraft mostly complete and a pilot like Alcock, one more thing was needed: a navigator. All the professional teams had figured wisely that this competition needed not only a crack pilot, but also a crack navigator if they were to have a realistic chance of winning.
This is how Arthur Brown enters the story.
Arthur Brown in uniform. |
Arthur Witten Brown is often described as Alcock's opposite, and in some ways, he was. The intellectual Dr. Martuin to Alcock's hot-blooded Captain Aubery, Brown was more interested than Alcock in the abstract and the theoretical. While Alcock discovered his passion for flying early, Brown had a diversity of interests, only some of which would get him the navigator's seat in the transatlantic flight. But I think to just emphasize the opposites of the men is to overstate their differences. They both had many similarities, starting with growing up in Manchester, and both decided to be engineers in their teens, and in a similarity a writer would reject as too on the nose, both were POWs in the great war set upon the challenges of a transatlantic flight to stave off boredom. They were undoubtedly an excellent team, as both men complemented each other's strengths.
Arthur Brown was born in Glasgow in 1886, the only child of American parents. Soon after the family moved to a suburb of Manchester, where Brown's father, an electrical engineer, was establishing a factory for his employer, Westinghouse. Brown grew up in Britain, an introvert who's reserve would be shed in the company of friends to reveal a warm and insatiably curious boy. He had lots of interests, including flight, though for our narration the most important one was his hobby of experimenting with color photography. Like Alcock, when Brown left school he apprenticed as an engineer in Manchester, (Westinghouse, naturally) and knew Norman Crossland (of Norman Crossland engineering, who became later a patron of Alcock's flying ambition.) Brown would frequently borrow Crossland's motorcycle for trips to the country. Brown also took courses at the Manchester Technical Institute. Once he was accepted as an engineer, Westinghouse sent Brown to South Africa, were he worked two happy, uneventful years until returning to the UK in the summer of 1914.
You can get how the Great War was viewed in 1914 when you learn that Brown - watcher of birds, avid reader, poetry fan - renounced his American citizenship so he could become a soldier in it. He trained in a 'pal' battalion and was commissioned in the Manchester regiment in January 1915 as a Lieutenant. I tried to find out about Brown's time in the British Army, but basically found nothing aside from what formation he was attached to. The Manchester Regiment were line infantry, and Brown arrived at the front just in time (January 1915) to get stuck in a series of battles that in April would culminate in the 2nd Battle of Ypers, famous for being the first example of chemical warfare. From what I could piece together, Brown served until May 1915, when he volunteered for the Royal Flying Corps. His education as an engineer and his photography hobby saw Brown escape the mud to become an RFC observer for No. 2 Squadron, flying unarmed B.E.2c biplanes.
Though why Brown would want to leave all this remains obscure. |
In the meantime, the rest of Brown, along with the pilot of his B.E.2, Lt. Medlicott, were flying photography and recon missions and often having to flee from German fighters. The first time Brown and Lt. Medlicott were shot down, some flak shrapnel punctured their B.E.2's fuel tank, killing the engine and setting the aircraft on fire. Brown and Medlicott managed to come down on the British side of the line - but the landing gear of their aircraft hit telegraph wires, and flipped both pilot and observer out of their cockpits. Both were uninjured. The second, less lucky shootdown happened on the 10th of November 1915. On a cold and overcast day, Brown and Medlicott were supposed to recon German positions escorted by RFC fighters. Their B.E.2 made it to the rendezvous point, but their escort did not show. Instead of scrubbing the mission, Brown and Medlicott carried on - and soon had a brace of German fighters on their tail. Forced down behind German lines, their biplane flipped, and Brown broke his leg. Medlicott hauled Brown out of the wrecked aircraft, but before they could settle if the uninjured Medlicott should make a run for it, German troops showed up and ended the argument.
Both men, now POWs, were sent to a POW camp deep in Germany, where Brown spent six weeks in the hospital. Exactly like Alcock, Brown found himself with nothing to do, and to get through the tedium, decided to get deep into this aircraft navigation problem, using the trans-Atlantic race as a goal. Brown would spend three years as a POW, first in Germany and then in Switzerland as part of a prisoner exchange. During this time, Brown got the bad news that his limp was permanent - for the rest of his life, Brown would need a cane to get around. But it wasn't all bad: the Red Cross allowed him to keep in touch with his parents, who sent care packages and soon, books on navigation and necessities like pen and paper. As Brown had been sent to a RFC-centric camp, like Brown soon was discussing his navigation problems with knowledgeable POWs. Lt. Medlicott's hobby was escape, and he would go on to make 13 unsuccessful escape attempts, and one more attempt where he was shot and killed by camp guards.
Finally, in the fall of 1917, Brown was repatriated to England. As his injury excluded him from front-line roles, Brown got himself reassigned to the Munitions Ministry, where he landed in the Aviation production department, and was soon working on aircraft engine designs. Brown's boss was a Col. Kennedy, and Kennedy had two daughters. Before 1918 ended, Brown was engaged to one of them, Kathleen.
The war ended in November 1918, and while obviously a good thing, it left Brown unemployed. It was a strange time: Britain was obsessing over new ways to shoot itself in the foot economically, the political gridlock made forming governments or getting things done very difficult, and it really sucked to be unemployed in Manchester. In addition to all that, demobilized soldiers were returning to make competition all that more intense, and apparently not being able to join the firm football team was a real disadvantage. The deadliest wave of the Spanish Flu pandemic had just ended, so being alive after that was definitely a plus. Brown persevered for the reason so many men have persevered throughout history: because there was a lovely lass there believing in him.
Finally, Brown sat down with Max Muller at Vickers at the end of March, 1919. It is unclear to me if Vickers was advertising for a general aviation position or specifically for a transatlantic navigator; it makes a better story if Brown walked in only knowing that they had a position on offer, not one that lined up with his personal obsession, so let's go with that. Once the challenges of aerial navigation came up, the formerly reserved Brown warmed to the discussion, and Muller soon knew he had his man. Alcock and Brown met, and soon they were discussing routes and navigation challenges, with Brown sketching with his cane a map of the North Atlantic in the dirt on the shop floor. The two men liked each other well enough, and bonded by their interest and determination, they soon threw themselves into preparation.
That's Good, But We're Still Well Behind
Next door, the Sopwith boys had made their first test flight just a few days after Alcock appeared at the Vickers works, and a few days after that did a 1800 miles [2897 km] test flight, about the distance between Newfoundland and Ireland. By the time March had ended, Sopwith was boxing up their aircraft to ship across the Atlantic. Also by the end of March, two other teams were already on the boat to Newfoundland. The press was already speculating that the next best flight window would be April 19th.
Alcock, being the pilot and all around dab hand with aircraft, slept at the factory while Vickers put together Vimy #13, transatlantic special. Thanks to the number, Alcock and Brown would soon adopt black cats, the number thirteen, and presumably walking under ladders as their personal good luck charms. Brown, meanwhile, had his commission, so to speak, and was soon haunting Whilehall, and accosting people with obscure navigation questions. Once the Royal Navy men had sounded Brown's depth of knowledge [and Brown countered their 'walking away very fast' with 'cunning bathroom ambushes'] the RN became enthusiastic supporters, lending charts and instruments. The wireless radio for the Vimy was borrowed from the Air Ministry. There was also lots of opportunities for meetings with weather officials, sponsors (such as Shell, who was providing the fuel), and engine maker Rolls-Royce. The weather officials were somewhat notable, as at first the British government was doing literally nothing for the contest, aside from keeping its aircraft out of it. Then it was decided extra meteorology, shared with everyone, would be something worth doing, and a meteorological team was being dispatched to St. John's. At the end of the day, Alcock, Brown, and Muller would go out to a pub with the ten or so mechanics who would be the field crew, and would get some food and some beer of quality, and generally catch up with the doings of the day. Brown when he could got away to spend time with Kathleen, who was absorbing information on the topic of aviation at a fantastic rate.
On Good Friday, April 18th 1919, the Vimy took flight for the first time.
Over the next few days, the Vickers team did all the flight tests and by the end of April, the Vimy was boxed up with numerous spares to be shipped to St. John's. On May 4th, 1919, the Vimy advance team (Alcock, Brown, three mechanics from Vickers plus one from Rolls-Royce) departed on the Ocean liner Mauretania for Halifax, with the other seven team members sailing on the freighter S.S. Glendevon with the Vimy at a later date, bound for St. John's direct. Spring had not only come to Britain, it was the start of a gloriously long heatwave.
So many teams had many plans, and all were racing to the start line. While all the teams did empirical experiments and elaborate preparation to make sure their entry had a real shot, they all had one blind spot. It was a blind spot shared by the British media, and indeed by the Daily Mail and its contest.
None of these people making plans had been to Newfoundland. In the race to get a working airplane flight tested all had assumed the capital, St. John's, which was on the same latitude as France, after all, would have spring well under way by, say, March, and it would be an English spring, filled with sunshine, and that St. John's would be surrounded by nice flat fields which would serve as an ideal starting point.
These assumptions would be...problematic.
Apparently, the image British people had of St. John's in their heads. |
Big Chonky Sidebar: the Other Competitors
The Shirl dropping a torpedo. The 'heavy' RN torpedoes were designed to destroy armored warships, like cruisers and battleships. |
Short Shamrock with a trans-Atlantic fuel tank. The man standing on the wing checking the engine gives a good sense of scale. |
There's also this alternate suppository design. |
Sunrise in New Jersey. |
The Sunrise was a biplane floatplane who's secret advantage was lightness. While it had a similar wingspan to the NC-4, it weighed just half of the Curtiss design. This light weight meant it needed less power to fly, and thus could get better fuel economy. To quote this blog over here:
The Sunrise was a huge aircraft for its time, its upper wing spanning 100 ft. However, its empty weight was 7000 lbs., less than half the 15,874 lbs. of the comparably sized U.S. Navy-Curtiss NC-4. Fully loaded with fuel and crew, the contrast was even more remarkable, approximately 13,000 versus 28,000 lbs.
This minimalist philosophy carried over to the engines, two inline 6 Scott-Hall motors making 220 horsepower, and the fancy enclosed fuselage. In a decision I expect Sundstedt would have regretted, the fuselage didn't allow people to stand. In fact, the fuel capacity of the Sunshine was maybe a little too minimalist, as Sundstedt figured the airplane had a range of ~ 2500-2800 km [1600 – 1760 miles], which is a bit worrying if you consider the distance between St. John's and Ireland is about 2700 km [1700 miles.] While all the potential racers except Short hoped to use the prevailing west-to-east wind, Sundstedt thought he had another ace up his sleeve: Sundstedt was something of a scientist, and had previously done research into air currents. The Captain thought there was a steady 60-70 km/h wind blowing from west to east across the Atlantic at about ten thousand feet. So the extra-light kite Sundstedt was constructing was also to ride this wind across the Atlantic with a comfortable safety margin.
This photo has the date 4/11/1919. |
Boulton-Paul, like Sundstedt, also aimed not only to win, but to use a new design to do it.
They had created in 1918 a new light bomber called the Bourges to replace the Airco DH.10. The war ended, however, and that was that. Boulton Paul then pivoted to the trans-Atlantic race, where components of the Bourges were recycled into a new design. It remained a biplane twin engine aircraft, but as Boulton Paul hoped to sell the new design as an airliner, they decided to incorporate as much new technology as they could.
The Boulton Paul Atlantic for starters, had an enclosed cockpit. {You were warned; see me after class.} Behind this cockpit was a cabin for a radio operator and navigator/backup pilot. It also had a provision for a fourth position for an observer, who lay flat beneath the cockpit, observing though their own window. Behind that was a fairly colossal amount of fuel tankage, with a design range of 3,850 miles (6,195 km), which meant that in theory the Atlantic could have flown from Ireland to America in a single hop. The fuel system also had a fast-purge option, which in the event of a ocean ditching might allow the now-empty fuel tanks to serve as a flotation device. The BP Atlantic engines were Napier Lions, in a W12 configuration making 450 horsepower each, about 1/4th more power than other aircraft. This extra power and aerodynamics meant the Atlantic had a designed cruise speed of 116 mph (187 km/h), which was approximately 1/3 faster than its rivals. After the first two hours of flight, the Atlantic could stay airborne on one engine, or on two engines on half-throttle.
This strategy of high tech new-ish design had one flaw: it was a hell of a lot of work with a unknown yet ferocious deadline hanging over the project, which meant that in their rush to completion, something was neglected. That something turned out to be testing, specifically the fuel system. Thanks to a flaw previously undetected, running both engines at full throttle would fuel starve one of them. This was discovered on the Atlantic's first takeoff, when one engine failed and the biplane side-slipped into the ground, wrecking itself.
R34, a copy of German R-class Zeppelins. |
Another C-series blimp in what looks like Lakehurst NAS, New Jersey. |
The front of sister ship C-2's gondola. As you can see, not luxurious. Also probably hearing damage. |
Glenn Curtiss was America's other most important aviation pioneer, and as was probably inevitable, he hated the Wright Brothers. The Wright brothers held patents that they said gave them the right to collect royalties from everybody flying airplanes, and Curtiss was the pioneer selected by the Wrights to deliver the legal beat-down for patent infringement. The acrimony between Curtiss and the Wrights was such that Orville later would say Wilbur's early death was due in large part to the stress of these lawsuits. Curtiss for his part at one point counterfeited a flying boat design another inventor had been working on before the Wright Brothers made their historic flight, all to try and take away the prize of saying the Brothers had been the first powered airplane flyers. This is a level of drama even the Kardashians would opt out of (though probably not Kanye West.)
Yeah, Curtiss looks like he'd be a chill dude in the face of lawsuits. |
This is the peak intensity of male emotions in 1913. Porte is left, Curtiss is right. |
The aircraft in question, with some mos def not OSHA-compliant work going on top, between the engines. |
A Felixstowe F1. Unlike the RFC, the flying boats of the RNAS embraced some bomb-ass dazzle camo schemes. |
Curtiss NC. If the Atlantic Race was a Mario Kart, this is what Bowser would fly. |
Visually, imagine the NC series as the bastard child of a DH 2 and a American threshing machine. |
Our other, even larger flying boat can trace its creation back to another Curtiss project. So, after World War One Started, Rodman Wannamaker wanna make a very large airplane, and commissioned Curtiss to design and build it. The result was the world's largest aircraft at one point being a triplane flying boat, called many different names but the wiki calls it the Curtiss-Wanamaker Triplane. Built specifically to compete in the Daily Mail's trans-Atlantic contest once reinstated, [after all this war is going to be over by Christmas] the Triplane has a length of 58 ft 10 in (17.93 m), and a upper wing of 134 ft (41 m). The Royal Navy bought it and had it shipped to the UK, where it was taken to Felixstowe, given four French engines, and its first flight, where it promptly crashed and was written off.
Curtiss-Wanamaker Triplane. |
I suspect this is the Curtiss after delivery to England. |
Despite this, when Porte decided to build his version of a trans-Atlantic aircraft, he also picked the format of 'gigantic triplane flying boat.' This aircraft was the Fury, though it was also called the Porte Super Baby, showing how even Curtiss' scorn for logical nomanclature had crossed the Atlantic. The Fury was even larger than the Curtiss triplane, 63 ft 2 in (19.26 m) long with a span of 123 ft (37.5 m). Thanks to engine technology it had a 1 metric ton greater payload capacity. Using five Rolls-Royce Eagle engines, it flew for the first time with Porte piloting on 11th November 1918.
The Felixstowe Fury. |
I think it gets extra points for the tri-themed tail. |
Porte would die in October 1919 of TB, and Curtiss would see his company merged with the Wright Brothers company, causing him to leave aviation entirely. The old gypsy woman had been right about triplane flying boats.
Last and least, Fairey didn't get very far with their entry; I bring it up exclusively as their pilot was named Sydney Pickles, and he had to withdraw from the race for personal reasons. Maybe Pickles' wife was stepping out with a Mr. Branston.
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